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However, in practice, data are generally censored. The most commonly used survivor function estimate for right-censored survival data is the Kaplan Meier (KM) estimator due to Kaplan and Meier (1958). The texts in survival analysis and reliability mentioned previously all present a description of the KM estimator. We can construct the survivor function estimator as follows. Let T be the survival time of interest. To compute the Kaplan Meier estimate, put all of the observations, censored and uncensored, in increasing order. If a censored time and an observed survival time occur simultaneously, convention is to treat the uncensored

Recognizing the apparent disconnect between public expectations and law enforcement objectives and strategies was not an act of obstinacy or stupidity Rather, as Peter Manning points out, it was in many ways a logical consequence of the basic societal foundations of the policing function Manning has devoted a considerable amount of time to the study of the police, mainly in the United Kingdom but also the United States, and has speculated on the nature of the social contract they hold with society, the implications of it, and how their efforts to fulfill that contract and survive as an institution have shaped their mission, organization, and self-perception He notes that early pressures to regulate the possibility of violent intervention to effect their responsibilities relied on a system of strict accountability, a military rank structure, rigid control over communications, and constant supervision.

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More often occurred in the street More often involved autos More often involved guns More often involved injuries to other persons More often involved victims with no prior relationship to their assailant(s) In 1980 there were 351 gang homicides in Los Angeles County, a number that would decline slightly for the next several years, before beginning to rise substantially in the late 1980s and early 1990s18 Some theories of gangs and gang behavior saw a set of factors as promoting gang membership and growth.

As a result of these factors, the police came to be what he calls a symbolic bureaucracy 32 Manning also describes eight attributes he believes characterize the nature and limits of police power33 From our perspective, it is useful to think of these attributes in two lights The first, which we examine in this chapter, is the set of elements that tended to work to produce the types of responses that characterized the law enforcement mission for the first seven decades of this century in the United States The second, which we shall examine in the next chapter, is how these same elements figured into the rethinking necessary to effect improvement in the police function: 1 The police symbolize the state, both in the sense of representing its political unity and also in being the arbitrators of adherence with its dictates 2.

They characterize their activities as being based on political consensus and serving society as a moral whole 3 Although they are charged with enforcement of the law, they frequently encounter situations where the law is a weak resource 4 They must do their work with few procedural guidelines while observing various constraints designed to protect individual rights 5 From prior experience with criminals they often believe they should, or must, decide guilt or innocence before an arrest 6 The police are highly dependent on the gathering, receiving, processing, and use of information 7 In theory the police are apolitical 8 Although the police often claim active control over issues of crime and public order, they are in reality highly dependent on information from others to even begin to approach the discharge of their duties Because of these factors, Manning theorizes that the law enforcement function often displays highly representative characteristics.

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